Since 2011, the SNP has undergone a meteoric rise from underdog to Scotland’s natural party of government. It’s a transformation I helped design, through innovating the digital strategy of the party. However eight years of Nicola Sturgeon’s rule has fostered an era of indolence and self-deception over policy and independence. As Humza Yousaf embarks on his ‘summer of independence’ campaign (which started in Dundee this past weekend), it becomes ever more important to reflect on the stagnation of support for independence.
Instead of good governance and progress towards independence, it appears some SNP politicians have relished the trappings of power more than in serving the electorate who put them there. In the final years of Sturgeon’s time in office, the party was transfixed by divisive ‘woke’ politics, not least her disastrous gender bill reforms. But, for her critics, the warnings signs about Sturgeon’s political nous were there much earlier. Despite Brexit (which only 38 per cent of Scots voted for), Boris Johnson and serial Westminster sleaze, Nicola Sturgeon succeeded mostly in splitting the independence movement, undermining faith in the party and leaving the nation bickering over fundamental realities. What is a woman, eh?
Ideological bandwidth narrowed sharply under Sturgeon. Detractors were sidelined while a legion of loyal coteries occupied every nook of the party’s apparatus, resistant to change or self-critique.
In fact, ideological bandwidth narrowed sharply under Sturgeon. Detractors were sidelined while a legion of loyal coteries occupied every nook of the party’s apparatus, resistant to change or self-critique. The SNP presented itself as the sole ‘owner’ of independence but in reality the party lacked strategy. Instead, it was paralysed by timidity and inertia and all the while exploiting loyalists’ fidelity for electoral gain.
The weekend just gone is not the first time this year that Yousaf has gathered crowds in Dundee to talk about independence. Attendees at the recent ‘independence convention’ held in the city witnessed a terrific speech by the First Minister. Had his referendum plan been as clear as his slick delivery, voters could have left more confident in Scotland’s prospects for self-determination.
It wasn’t just the vagueness of Yousaf’s plan that left nationalist voters confused. The SNP’s decision not to involve the Yes movement, to not even acknowledge that there exist many non-members who can still progress the cause, has isolated disillusioned indy supporters who no longer feel at home in the SNP.
Indeed, I was taken aback by the hostility directed towards me from former SNP colleagues, many of whom I helped into office. Perhaps my involvement in establishing the pro-independence Alba Party upset them – or maybe the animosity was because I advise Ash Regan MSP, who significantly changed the direction of the party’s leadership contest (and by seeking transparency and clarity, she has, as a result, been labelled a disruptor by many). But whatever bugbears some in the party may have, it is imperative that the SNP must broaden its church once more before these tactical contortions permanently warp Scotland’s independence prospects.
Westminster doesn’t make things easy: its constitutional obstinacy requires creativity to work around it, but Yousaf’s insistence to cling on to a continuity agenda – which is what this new proposal is, no matter how it has been described by the party – hints at a leadership bereft of new ideas with the short-sighted end-goal of simply retaining seats. In fact, the main source of radical thought in the Scottish government comes, concerningly, from the Scottish Greens. This partnership has seen the Scottish government imposing policies at odds with both public opinion and views held by a number of SNP politicians, let alone the party membership. To continue to allow the Greens so much power will only continue to undermine the Scottish National Party, and further fracture the independence movement.
The UK government will always wield the card of chaos in resisting constitutional change. Its tactical warnings can, however, serve as useful reminders: transition requires meticulous planning. The Scottish government needs to commence essential preparations now, to install public confidence in the nation’s readiness – even in the face of today’s news that Westminster is planning to ‘sanction’ the SNP government for spending money on independence. Nationalist voters should be presented with an established permanent mechanism that presents a ballot box victory as a demand for independence negotiations to begin.
And the SNP must renew its purpose while sincerely embracing the wider Yes movement: it is vital the party liberates itself from partisan rancour and constitutional fatalism. The party faithful will not wait indefinitely, and nor should they. The SNP’s modus operandi of internal avoidance and external scapegoating must be eliminated in favour of reconciliation and collaboration with pro-independence allies.
It isn’t true either that the party is completely unaware of the problems that face it. Angus MacNeil’s decision to leave the Westminster SNP group over the unseriousness of the party’s stance on independence spotlights the malaise. SNP ‘rebel’ Fergus Ewing voted for the no confidence motion in circular economy minister and Scottish Green co-leader Lorna Slater – a bold move that hinted at the dissatisfaction of some SNP politicians with the levels of power awarded to the Greens. Ash Regan has called for the inclusion of other pro-independence groups in independence discussions. It’ll come as no surprise that I believe she’s right: no one holds the deed to Scotland’s future except the people of Scotland and independence demands broad appeal, transcending factional and party loyalties. While Yousaf’s independence convention in Dundee was a step in the right direction, a formal cross party convention should be established in order to democratise the independence movement.
With independence support marooned around 50 per cent, no one can afford complacency. To break the logjam, partisan egos must be sacrificed for the greater good: wounds must heal and efforts redoubled. Snarky nonsense poisoning public discourse (not irregularly coming from pro-independence politicians) only fosters public division when unity is paramount. While there remains uncertainty over process, what is clear is that independence will never be delivered via grievance, slander or victimhood.
Scotland’s destiny requires a clear vision that can dissolve, not exacerbate, doubt and fear. The SNP would do well to remember that voters yearn for clarity on how their lives would improve in an independent Scotland, not finger-pointing between or within political parties. This is simple. The First Minister shouldn’t feel any loyalty to the systems of continuity that have caused the SNP to become unstuck.
If Yousaf is to achieve any success by his ‘summer of independence’ campaign, to reel disillusioned independence voters back in, he must first start by bridging the gap between the SNP and the wider Yes movement. Forget breaking up the UK – if nationalist politicians can’t swallow their pride and overcome divisions among themselves, the independence movement risks falling apart – at least until a new generation of leaders emerges to replace those too obstinate to adapt.
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